“Dear Sir, there is one hundred here, all in good order. Shall I s attached to them? Price is seven 5 attachment. There are about one hu here. Shall I send them to Holly S Please answer immediately.” Captain John Travis, CSA, Grenad Pettus, September 16, 1861.
There is a lingering perception that the American Civil War was only fought with rifles, muskets, bayonets, and artillery, but early in the war just about anything tha would shoot was needed to arm the fledgling Confederate States. A soldier of the First Kentucky (Confederate) Orphan Brigade makes note of going in to battle armed with civilian firearms prior to the battle of Shiloh (Apr 1862). Period accounts of Orphan Brigade units from Burnsville state they had been using “…outdated flintlock muskets, Belgian Rifles and even civilian hunting rifles and shotguns.” At the start of the Civil War, Mobile and its shipping facilities were guarded by Alabama State Troops. These state troops were eventually turned over to Confederate central government command. A part of the deal for the turnover was that Alabama would arm two regiments that had shown up in Mobile without arms (21st & 22nd Ala. Inf.). To arm these units, the state’s Adjutant General beefed up the facilities at the Mobile Depot, which ingeniously adapted single and double barreled shotguns for military use. The guns were the result of an earlier effort by the governor to procure arms. He had authorized the sheriffs of the var
ious counties and state agents to purchase all available sporting weapons throughout the state. The wooden ramrods proved too flimsy for military use, and were a sore point. Shotguns were also
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y double-barrell shotguns to have the Bowie knife llars each for the knife d fifty flint lock muskets or alteration and repairs?
fitted with special bayonets. The shotguns were altered at the Mobile Depot by applying a 5" double lug bayonet attachment to the right side of both single and dou ble barrel shotguns. They manufactured a bayonet for this doubl lug system to fit the shotgun. A special scabbard was also made. When the Confederacy was threatened with invasion by Federal forces in 1861, so many volunteers flocked to her standar that many were turned away for lack of arms. The different state governments scoured the countryside in search of sporting rifles, old flintlock pistols and shotguns; any weapon that could aid in arming their Volunteers. I a short and to the point note dat May 18, 1861, the Confederate Secretary of War wrote to Mississippi Governor Pettus, “Can you give me two regiments for twelve months, armed with heavy double barrel shotguns?” This was not unique to Mississippi and Alabama; in Virginia Col. (at this time) Jubal A. Earl wrote to Virginia’s Adjutant General, “There are now eight companies of cavalry here, well mounted and in fine condition, but for the arms necessary for them, which are mostly wanting. Two companies are armed with double barreled shotguns, and two
more will soon have them.” In a following letter Colonel Early wrote, “I have directed them to get all the double barrel shotgun they could.” In July 1861 Kentuckian Wm. T. Withers wrote
Unidentified soldier in Confeder barrel shotgun while sitting nex (Liljenquist Family Collection o of Congress)
to the Confederate Secretary of War, “Many Companies of cavalry have tendered their service who propose to arm themselves with shotguns and revolvers.” On July 2, 1861, the Governor of Tennessee tendered the provisional Army of Tennessee to the Confederate President. Offering “twenty-two regiments of infantry, two regiments of cavalry…. part of the cavalry armed with revolvers and sabers, the balanc with double barrel shotguns.”
The extensive use of shotguns by the Confederacy is frequently attributed to the severe shortag of military firearms available f issuance early in the war. Howev er, this is not the only reason. early as August 1861, the shotgun’s long term use was being
discussed; Captain of Ordnance Wm. R. Hunt wrote to the Secretary of War from Memphis, rec-
ommending that contracts be let for 10,000 sword bayonets for double barreled shotguns. Nearly
a year later Hunt wrote to Secre tary of War J. P. Benjamin, “Col
onel Forrest, the most efficient cavalry officer in this departme
informs me that the double barrel shotgun is the best gun with which the cavalry can be armed.”
A more qualified endorsement of shotguns could not be desired; it was the most efficient short rang
arm used during the war. As late as July 24, 1863, S.C. Governor Milledge Bonham opined to Secretary of War Seddon that the state had turned over all availab shotguns to the Confederacy. The Confederate Cavalry continued to employ shotguns for the remainder of the war albeit
iform holding a doubledog. l War Photographs. Library
with less frequency. The attritio of close quarter combat took its toll; cavalrymen began to skirmish at longer ranges and eventually began to fight primarily a mounted infantry. As far as ammunition, could the shotgun use standard military cartridges and loads? The 12 gauge barrel is approximately .72 caliber and the .69 buck and ball cartridge would have been widely available and a good fit. If the paper was tamped over
the ball it would act as a wad to keep the charge from spilling out If the soldier just tore the tail the cartridge open, dumped the powder down the barrel, and then rammed the entire remainder of the cartridge down on top
Civil War Cata Featuring a large assortment o War autographs, accoutrements, insignia, buttons, GAR, docume
of the powder, there was plenty of sealing ability. It is importa to remember that in close quar-
ter fighting cavalrymen weren’t necessarily looking for the tight pattern that is fired out of a sh gun while hunting game for the dinner table. It was an anti-personal load, and it was intended t scatter. There is also evidence of usag of the shotgun, both as a primary and supplementary weapon in Confederate infantry units. There is some anecdotal evidence of soldiers bringing these weapons with them from home when they enlisted. In the case of the shotgun, it may have served as required by circumstances. One Confederate soldier was identified as carrying his issued rifle-musket for longer distance en counters and a shotgun strapped to his back for close range engagements. In case all else faile he also kept a pistol tucked in h belt.
Craig L Barry was born in Charlottesville, Va. He holds his BA and Masters degrees from the University of North Carolina (Charlotte). Craig served The Watchdog Civil War Quarterly as Associate Editor and Editor
published both books and columns on the material culture o the mid-19th century and donated all funds from publications to battlefield preservation. He is the author of several books including The Civil War Musket: A Handbook for Historical Accuracy (2006, 2011), The Unfinished Fight: Essays on Confederate Material Culture Vol. I and II (2012, 2013) and three books (soon to be four) in the Suppliers to the Confederacy series on English Arms & Accoutrements, Quartermaster stores and other European imports.
l War and Indian abilia, medals, hotos, & books.
“There is a Yankee; you may try your marksmanship on him if you wish,” commented C.S. Gen. Leonidas Polk spotting a solitary U.S. Gen. Ulysses Grant in a cornfield.
Despite Kentucky’s declarati that it intended to be neutral, Sept. 3, 1861, Polk occupied Columbus, Ky., which overlooked the Mississippi River. Three da later, Grant seized Paducah, Ky 45 miles from his headquarters at Cairo, Ill. While the shocke inhabitants hastily took down Confederate flags intended to greet the opposing army, that didn’t stop the women greeting Federal troops with a few cries “Hurrah for Jeff Davis”. Both sides, to give their gr troops training, sent their men scouting missions on each side of the Mississippi. Excitement would happen when the enemy was spotted and a chase ensued. After a couple of miles, the pu suing squad’s commanding officer would call off the hounds a all would return to their persp tive camps with a tale to tell the fire. Grant would later write that on Nov. 7, 1861, “The National troops acquired a confidence in themselves at Belmont [Ky.] tha did not desert them throughout the war.” The battle came about from a combination of faulty intelligence and Grant’s awareness that his men were growing impatient to fight. Gra had sent Col. Richard Oglesby, Cairo’s previous commanding officer, on a trip to pursue Confederate raider Gen. Jeff Thompson, the “Swamp Fox of the Confederacy,” no matter where he might go. Intelligence had it that C.S. Gen. Gideon Pillow was staging a force at Belmont to attack Oglesby. To their delight, Grant ordered 2, men equipped with ammunition, one day’s cooked rations, and t be ready to board steamboats, destination unknown. Down river, the jubilant men
Grant picked men to whom he could delegate responsibilities and trust to make onsite decisions. As Grant described it to his wife, “that is of a class that can do something.” Grant appointed his lawyer friends John Rawlins and William Hillyer, and a merchant in civilian life, Cpt. Clark Lagow of the 21st Ill. to his staff. His Medical Director, Dr. James Simmons, a full surgeon of the regular army, was on leave, so Dr. John Brinton, came in his place. At first light, the men ate breakfast from their haversacks as the boats took them to the disembarkation point hidden from Columbus by a bend of the river. To protect Columbus, three tiers of batteries had been built for 143 guns, including a 128-pdr. rifle called “Lady Polk” on the bluff; a chain was placed across the river, mines positioned under the surface. Guns from the battery began firing towards the men as Federal gun-boats moved downstream to return fire. About 7:30 a.m. the men were positioned to march through a cornfield and into the woods. About 1,000 feet in, Cpt. John Seaton gave a rousing speech ending with, “… if I should show the white feather, shoot me dead in my tracks and my family will feel that I died for my country. Boys, it is now quite warm-and we are going to have a hot day; I propose that all of us take off our coats, pile them at the foot of this tree … when we come back to the boats, we can get them, and if we don’t come back, we may not want them again.” Ready, the company “deployed on the double quick and we commenced the march in skirmish line.” Within minutes, men began to fall. The Confederates,
Vol. 42, No. 3 Battlefield Of Franklin Land Pres
By GreGory L. Wade FRANKLIN, Tenn. — What is considered the bloodiest acreage the Nov. 30, 1864, Battle of Fran is now being reclaimed as part of evolving Carter Hill Battlefield Local preservation leaders recent
from owners Reid and Brenda Lovell after a months-long proces of coordinating various funding sources for the critical 1.6 acre adjoin the Carter House, a major battle landmark. Details were recently provided a press conference led by Frankli Charge board member Julian Bibb,
who praised the “remarkable transition” of the Franklin battlefie Franklin’s Charge is a coalition civic and preservation groups who joined together more than ten yea ago to purchase local battlegroun Over 150 years ago the Army of Tennessee stepped off in a series of charges to be virtually destro by Federals under John Schofield
hopes of taking Franklin and late Nashville. At that time, most of the terr was open farmland on the outskirt of what was once a small Middle Tennessee farming community. Over time development covered much of the battlefield with houses, ligh dustry, and small businesses.
All that remained of the criti area where the Confederates temporarily broke the Federal line w the small farmhouse and a few acr known as the Carter House farm. The 1.6 acres purchased, which adjoin the southern boundary of t Carter House property, is compris of two lots. Today, they are occu
that were turned over to the City of Franklin Parks Department by Franklin’s Charge and the Battle o Franklin’s Trust (BOFT), managers of the Carter House the nearby Car ton Plantation. The structures wil removed in coming months, possibly relocated for other use.
The purchase is only the latest in a long and arduous effort to re build the Franklin battlefield. “It had to be a miracle,” quipp Civil War Trust (CWT) President James Lighthizer, referring to the most recent acquisition. Local res ident Michael Grainger, long time Trust board member and former
chairman, said, “Local leadership has been incredible and will conti ue to be a partner [with the CWT]. In 2005, after years of frustra attempting to preserve Franklin ba tleground, local preservationists cided it would have to be done the hard way, by buying properties, of ten with buildings on them. The largest parcel of land was
originally a local golf course sla to be sold to a developer to build houses on what was the right flank of the Confederate attack north to ward the Federal lines just south the town. It was then that Franklin’s Cha came into existence. Funds have
chase from private donors, the CWT the City of Franklin and others. T 110-acre segment, now fully interpreted and known as the Eastern Flank Battlefield, is what got the preservation ball rolling in Frank Since that time nine other parc in proximity to the Carter House have been purchased and have been,
at the Lovell purchase regory L. Wade photos)
But it was the land just south Carter House, long considered the most bloodied ground in Franklin, and some say in America, that was the most coveted. BOFT Chief Executive Officer Eric Jacobson noted, “to not have this ground reclaimed and preserv would be like having Omaha Beach
cut out of Normandy.” The most recent acquisition evolved when Franklin’s Charge an the BOFT began discussions with t Lovells, who have a strong sense the history of the land, having g up in Franklin. “I was born and raised in Fran
have been a national park,” said Lovell. He recalled when visitors came to town and had to envision what happened, not walk on ground where it transpired. “My great-grandfather, who fou here, and my parents would be pro of what we are doing here today,”
The Franklin Board of Mayor and Aldermen voted unanimously in February to fund part of the remaining debt on the Lovell property purchase. The previously
These funds will cover the bal now bridged by a local bank and w
be derived from the city’s hoteltel tax. Local banker Chuck Isaac was instrumental in working out t loans. All the city funds are all
by his employer, First Farmers an Merchants Bank.
abandoning their breakfast, had rushed three miles from their camp to fight. From the Belmont
camp, the artillery fired at th approaching troops. Directing and encouraging hi men, Grant was everywhere. As he “was trying to urge his hors up to the ranks of our men,” Grant’s horse was shot. Grant told Rawlins that he would have to leave him. Hillyer offered h horse and Grant rode on, leavin
on it, his mess chest, and his pen.” About noon the rebel camp had been seized. “The gunners fled with the infantry in great confusion, while their speed wa accelerated by the loads they h just put into their guns and le be fired at them by our men wit gunners fleeing with infantry.” In victory, the regimental band tasked with hospital duty, whipped out their instruments and began to play “soul-stirrin patriotic airs,” speeches were made and the boys started looti tents. Brinton, who had been busy caring for the wounded, noticed two enemy steamers approach and pointed them out t Grant. Grant ordered the tents afire to catch the attention of celebrating men. The Columbus garrison, seeing the smoke and realizing the camp was no longe in their control, turned the “L Polk” on the invaders. Polk with his troops had crossed the river. The Confederate infantry driven to the river would have gladly surrendered if asked, no attacked their camp. Surrounded, surrendering was suggested. Grant recalled, “But
when I announced that we had cut our way in and could cut ou way out just as well, it seemed
a new revelation to officers an soldiers.” Grant calmly had his men reform their lines. The 31s Ill. led the way but “Every man was trying to save himself, som would throw down their arms and part of a regiment would take one route and the other part st another way.” As the last of the men made to transports, Grant rode back search for stragglers. Grant re counted, “The corn [was] so tal and thick as to cut off the vie of even a person on horseback, except directly along the rows. I had not gone more than a few hundred yards when I saw a body of troops marching past me not fifty yards away. I looked at t for a moment and then turned my horse towards the river and sta ed back, first in a walk, and w I thought myself concealed from the view of the enemy, as fast my horse could carry me. … I was the only man of the Nationa army between the rebels and our transports.” At the water’s edge Seaton, whose new coat was still by the tree, saw Grant at the top of r bank. Grant shouted, “Get aboar the boat; they are coming!” To captain of the boat he called o “Chop your lines and back out.” Grant wrote, the captain, “had plank run out for me. My horse seemed to take in the situation There was no path down the bank and every one acquainted with the Mississippi River knows tha its banks, in a natural state, vary at any great angle from th
rpendicular. My horse put re feet over the bank with sitation or urging, and wi
s hind feet well under him wn the bank and trotted ab e boat, twelve or fifteen ay, over a single gang pla smounted and went at once e upper deck.” The return trip upriver wa lemn. At dinner, the offic re glib, but Grant only sp the waiter. Seaton wrote, ought he was hard-hearted, ld, and indifferent, but i ly the difference between ldier and amateur soldiers
Captain John Seaton, “The Battle of Belmont” in War Talks in Kansas, Vol. 1 Bruce Catton, Grant Moves South Ronald C. White Jr., Ameri can Ulysses: A Life of Uly S. Grant U.S. Grant, Personal Memoi of U.S. Grant, Vol. 1 James Harrison Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins: L yer, Assistant Adjutant-ge eral, Chief of Staff, Majo General of Volunteers, and Secretary of War
Stephanie Hagiwara is the or for Civil War in Color.
vers stories of photograph storical interest from the the present. Her articles und on Facebook, Tumblr an nterest.
